toledano/latino/21″/dt1st/mark2nd

By JESSICA TOLEDANO

Staff Reporter

1999 will be the year of the Latino lawmaker.

For the first time in state history, Latinos will represent nearly 20 percent of the state Legislature, with 17 in the Assembly and seven in the Senate. Last session, there were 13 in the Assembly and four in the Senate. Beyond the increased numbers, they hold some of the most sought-after and powerful positions in state government.

But as Latino power multiplies, it begs the question: How will it be used? And will a divide between some of the state’s most influential Latino lawmakers undermine the group’s power to effect change?

Of the 24 Latinos in the Legislature, only four are Republicans. For the most part, the Latino bloc is expected to toe the Democratic party line, although there are some signs of a rift in what was formerly a highly unified group.

A generation ago, Latinos were a minority with little or no clout. The group’s politics consisted mainly of old-fashioned ’60s-style activism: a minority group that applied pressure on decision-makers.

But as their numbers have swelled statewide, many Latino leaders have tried to recast themselves as more moderate and mainstream, and shed their previous roles as activists in order to appeal to the masses.

Assembly Speaker Antonio Villaraigosa, D-Los Angeles, typifies the new generation of Latino politician; the former Chicano activist pushes the idea that Latino and California issues are one and the same.

“The Latino agenda is an American agenda,” said Villaraigosa. “Education, improving the quality of life and access to health care affect all Californians. I think obviously that when you get elected to the job of speaker, that excites and inspires the Latino community, and that is good. But I have to appeal to a broader community. I am focused on bringing people together on what we have in common.”

While Villaraigosa touts unity between Latino and mainstream interests, Sen. Richard Polanco, D-Los Angeles, leader of the Latino Legislative Caucus and head of the majority in the Senate, is more outspoken about issues involving the Latino community and is determined to bring more Latino legislators into the state capital.

Some have distanced themselves from Polanco after he sent out a mailer to Latino voters before the November elections accusing Richard Katz, who was running for Assembly against Richard Alarcon, of being involved in an incident in which a Republican party leader was accused of trying to keep immigrant voters away from polling stations.

Katz, who is Jewish, was outraged by the mailer and accused Polanco of “race baiting.” Even former State Sen. Art Torres said he was concerned that the mailer would incite hostility between Latinos and Jews.

Villaraigosa and Polanco are said to dislike each other, and their stylistic differences have served to split Latino legislators into two camps the old-fashioned, “Us vs. Them” camp, and the will-of-the-majority camp.

Some speculate that the result of this split will be a fragmentation of the Latino power base. Indeed, as minority groups assimilate with the mainstream, they tend to lose their ability to form unified coalitions.

Despite the stylistic differences, insiders agree that Latino lawmakers remain united on most issues. Only a few areas particularly the way crime-related issues are addressed have emerged as contentious.

“Issues like crime and drugs are the most divisive. There is not a consensus on how to deal with the problem,” said Antonio Gonzalez, president of the William C. Velasquez Institute, which works to increase voter turnout by Latinos. “Law and order, or prevention and health? No one can say that they have the magic bullet.”

Polanco said he is unconcerned with the fact that some in the Latino caucus are trying to distance themselves from him. “I know them and have helped many of them,” said Polanco. “It is not the posturing that matters, but what the actions are of the members, and our members have done an exceptional job.”

Polanco was referring to members of the Latino Legislative Caucus, which brings together all 20 Latino Democrats in the Assembly and Senate. The caucus, formed in 1973, has become one of the most influential political powers in the state Legislature and has sponsored, created or helped pass a variety of laws to benefit the state’s Latinos.

Assemblyman Martin Gallegos, D-Baldwin Park, agreed that despite minor differences, Latinos remain a unified political force.

“Now, with the growing numbers of Latino legislators, the voice is stronger than it has ever been,” he said. “We may not all have the same style, but we stand together on the issues.”

And the extent of Latino political power is likely to grow. Locally, a group of activists called the Los Angeles City/County Latino Redistricting Committee is involved in a multi-pronged effort to increase Latino representations on the City Council, the county Board of Supervisors and smaller groups like the community college board.

The coalition is working with the charter reform panels to increase the size of the City Council, a move they believe would result in greater Latino representation, and with the Legislature to increase the size of the Board of Supervisors.